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Produced and consumed by the masses, associated with mass media and dissemination, it is viewed as consumerist, superficial, and lacking substance. Popular culture, on the other hand, is viewed as the less respected, more commercial, and less representative form of cultural production. And the twain cannot meet. Proponents of this view see the two types of culture as separate, divorced from each other, and diametrically opposed.

In fact, they look down upon it. It is a form of haphazard and arbitrary expression by the masses. And the consumers of both types of culture are also expected to be intrinsically different. The assumption is that the same person cannot appreciate canonized literature and equally enjoy reading a comics book on the subway. In its use of new media and technologies, popular culture is thus most readily associated with Western cultures. What such views ignore is the fact of popular culture itself, the presence, production, and consumption of rap and hip-hop in reality.

Instead of such narrow and exclusivist categorizations, we argue that much border crossing can and does occur between mainstream and popular culture. And it is precisely this border crossing that belies the falsity of the assumption, the inapplicability of the branding of one form of cultural production as positive, the other negative.

Hence, these assumptions need to be questioned, examined, and revised if a better understanding of popular culture in the Middle East and North Africa is to be achieved. Similar dichotomies between high and popular culture have existed in the West. Such power blocs are in turn met with resistance by excluded popular forms in a constant attempt Introduction 3 to make themselves visible and create a space for their voice within that structure.

For the study of culture cannot be divorced from other factors that are not readily conceived as cultural in nature but which constitute forms of hegemony that directly influence the meaning, production, and consumption of culture as well as the processes of inclusion and exclusion that defi ne what is high and what is low. Such factors can be ideologically, socio-economically, or politically determined.

By extension, one could argue that geopolitical and historical factors can play an equal role in this process of containment and resistance and its antecedent: border crossing across different historical periods as well. Thus, what is dominant at one point can be superseded by a more popular form at another, and vice versa, because of such factors. This is an approach to the study of culture that has at its core a conception of cultural production as a fluid process.

Rather than a view of mainstream and popular culture that sees both and the relations between them as fi xed, this is an outlook that perceives these forms of cultural production as more malleable and flexible. It is this malleability and flexibility that the different factors—economic, political, historical, etc. Consequently, and because of that fluidity, cultural production is in a state of ongoing flux, border crossing occurring and recurring all the time and constantly reinventing itself.

This struggle can thus be seen as one whereby popular culture is constantly attempting to cross that border imposed and protected by mainstream culture, to seep into a more legitimate area wherein 4 Walid El Hamamsy and Mounira Soliman it can gain more recognition and validity. This is precisely the resistance that popular culture represents. Middle Eastern and North African Popular Culture and the Academy The perceived bias against popular culture in the West has also manifested itself in the initial scarcity of academic attention given to popular culture.

A similar process of containment and resistance thus characterized scholarship on dominant versus popular culture. It is telling that up until the present moment—five decades after its foundation—the school still remains a scholarly cornerstone for cultural studies and popular culture critics. If the Birmingham School gained some ground for the analysis of popular culture in the West, no such equivalent has emerged in the Middle East and North Africa where there continues to be a perceived gap in the study of popular culture produced in the region.

And the distinction in the Academy between what is high and what is low, what is worthy of academic study and what is not, is much more rigid than in the West. This strict stratification can even occur within the same genre. And academes and scholars in the Middle East and North Africa still engage in debates related to the worthiness of, say, colloquial poetry as opposed to classical, and free-verse poetry as opposed to metrical composition. This belittling view even extends to cover what constitutes and what eludes popular culture.

In Egypt, for instance, the term is most often equated with folklore. Other forms of popular culture are excluded. The danger of this lies in the fact that such strategies and attitudes do not foster a culture that encourages the study of popular culture.

Thus, there is a genuine gap in cultural studies in our part of the world. Because of Introduction 5 this lack, much of the already limited scholarly work in the field of cultural studies is produced by scholars affi liated with language departments familiar with the critical and theoretical trends of Western academia.

There are three obvious consequences to this lack. The fi rst of these is the fact that most of the cultural studies and popular culture scholarship conducted by researchers from the region is done sporadically. As such, it is not sustained. And work done by one scholar remains an individual work that is, in most cases, not built upon. Second, because most of the research in this field is done in language departments English, French, German, etc.

Moreover, the application of Western critical paradigms to non-Western cultures can also end up recreating hegemonic power structures. As such, much of this work is characterized by a certain degree of voyeurism that objectifies the producers of such forms of cultural expression and ends up propagating self-serving stereotypes and hegemonies see Said. Moreover, despite the fact that some of the research done by Westerners can be perceptive and sensitive to the culture, and can create a voice for an otherwise marginalized culture, there is always the risk of the West maintaining its grip on the production of knowledge.

Hence the need for more research and theory produced from within the culture. This is what the current volume partly hopes to redress. The Geopolitics of Popular Culture This book was conceived out of a felt need to examine, analyze, and contextualize the flourishing corpus of popular cultural production in the Middle East and North Africa in the last decade.

This decade in particular has witnessed the resurgence of considerable interest in Middle Eastern and North African cultures. Cultures previously colonized in the last century, beginning to allegedly maintain forms of political and cultural co-existence with Western cultures their previous colonizers , now found themselves once again the objects of a Western gaze, at worst demonizing them, at best 6 Walid El Hamamsy and Mounira Soliman lumping them together as one indistinguishable whole.

Locally, this historical moment cannot be separated from the ongoing Palestinian—Israeli confl ict and the injustice felt by peoples in the region as a result of the Israeli occupation of Palestine and brutal policies against its people, as well as the unconditional support that the US has consistently shown to Israel and Western passivity in the face of continued Israeli aggression. This political oppression was further complicated by the fact that most of the peoples in the region found themselves struggling under autocratic regimes that repressed, exploited, and deprived them of basic human needs and necessities.

Roland Barthes has demonstrated most aptly how cultural myths are formed through the construction and propagation of seemingly innocent icons see Barthes. The fi rst decade of the new millennium saw the creation and dissemination of several such icons whose hidden aim was containment and conditioning through indoctrination.

This is an example of containment through stereotyping. It also becomes possible to make of George W. What these various icons share in common is the perpetuation of a mainstream ideology that interpellates the masses—in the Althusserian sense. It is significant that popular reaction to such processes of interpellation should see through and resist them by presenting its own version of reality. However, it is easy to see in him a popular cultural icon who is of the masses and speaks their language.

Popular Culture: The Voice from Within This book looks at popular culture in the Middle East and North Africa as a form of cultural resistance against different forms of global and local domination. It is also precisely in popular culture that people of different ethnicities, genders, orientations, etc. As such, it is the true voice of the people. Given the above discussed gap in cultural studies in the region in general, and in the field of popular culture in particular, it was felt important to both highlight this proliferation of popular cultural production as well as emphasize the need for further exploration and examination.

It was 8 Walid El Hamamsy and Mounira Soliman felt equally important that this research should be initiated by editors from the culture who are aware of the kinds of production burgeoning around them, familiar with Western critical writing on it, as well as conscious of the lack of scholarship coming out of the region. Such awareness and knowledge informed our choices with regard to the different geographical locations to cover, the various media to examine, and the choice of contributors to the volume.

The book aims to present a fresh perspective on popular culture, combining media that are not often combined in one volume. Its different studies are selectively representative of various areas in the Middle East and North Africa. Though varied, this is by no means an exhaustive representation of all different countries in the region.

Contributors to this volume are mostly scholars from the region, residing in it or abroad. We also found it equally important to include the perspectives of a number of Western scholars familiar with the region and well versed in its cultural production and history.

Though the majority of chapters in this volume cover popular culture production from the region, a few selected chapters offer a hybrid perspective on how Middle Eastern representations are constructed through popular culture in the West. These choices and combinations were instigated by a wish to offer the reader a fresh and interesting reading experience as well as generate further much-needed research on popular culture, theoretically and empirically. At the core of this book is a vision of popular culture as a form of cultural resistance and intervention.

The reaction to processes of containment in their different manifestations is an act of resistance by the people and through the different forms of their cultural production. The current historical moment in the Middle East and North Africa shows clearly this relationship of tension between domination and subordination—politically, socially, economically, etc.

Popular culture. These power blocs have taken the form of political autocracy and totalitarianism, neo-imperialist hegemony and occupation, gender inequality, economic exploitation and neo-liberal commercialization, religious fundamentalism, among others. It is such voices that the current volume highlights and analyzes. The book is divided into five sections, each of which tackles resistance to a certain type of dominance. It emphasizes the resistant quality of Rai as the voice of the marginalized—in this case, the working classes.

Here the struggle is of the Palestinian artist against Israeli rejection that masks itself as artistic collaboration, made all the more troubled by the fact of the lived reality of Israeli occupation and aggression. Swedenburg concludes that a true appreciation of Palestinian rap must focus on the phenomenon itself which often gets sidelined by foregrounding the political situation. All three articles, in the section on political struggle, examine different forms of artistic resistance and, among them, constitute a dialogue on the different manifestations of this resistance.

He examines photo-tattoos, combined with calligraphy, in the work of two American artists of Moroccan and Iranian origins. The two other chapters in the section on gender resistance address two other kinds of oppression related to the body, in fi lm and dance-theater performance. The fi lm is shown to be an example of social indoctrination whereby both men and women are conditioned into internalizing their prescribed gender roles. The chapter analyzes controversies related to the body as forbidden site, censorship, and state control of artistic expression.

The three contributors in this section depart from the exploration of gender conditioning to explore wider and more pervasive forms of sexual, social, and state repression. The pull and tug between traditional and modern forms and technologies of cultural production is at the heart of cultural resistance.

The exposure of this younger generation to global youth culture thus introduces new media, discourses, and technologies into Middle Eastern and North African cultural production and consumption. Richard Jacquemond and Omaima Abou Bakr tackle the impact of commercialization and market values on the Egyptian publishing market and religious discourse, respectively, exploring new cultural phenomena that emanate from the exposure of the old to the new.

Said shows how imperialist powers exploit culture to mask self-serving ideologies. Both expose the pervasive and often unnoticed processes of infi ltration that neo-imperialist, neo-liberal cultures use to mask their exploitative projects. Such pervasive ideologies extend to include other forms of cultural production which depend on the proliferation of heavy forms of commercialization.

Hania Nashef explores one such form of commercial and ideological hegemony through her analysis of the representation of Arab space in Hollywood cinema. The variety shown above demonstrates the different levels of resistance popular culture has engaged with in the last decade.

The contributions in this volume explore the different voices of popular dissent resonating in the region and together constitute a contrapuntal dialogue of divergences and convergences, reflecting a similar dialogue among people on the ground that culminated in revolution all across the Middle East and North Africa and which found expression and consolidation of their dissent precisely in popular culture expression. From Tunisia to Egypt, Libya to Yemen, Syria to Bahrain, and fi nally, at the time of this writing, Sudan, people have been rebelling against different forms of political, social, and economic repression.

These revolutions have exhibited different degrees of success, completion, and confrontation with brutal states. Though it is hard to think of them in their totality as one whole—since each of these cases unfolded in its own specific way and expressed its own specific, though similar, demands—they nevertheless share a historical moment that is reshaping the geopolitics of the region, the intra-relations among its different countries, and its inter-relations with the rest of the world.

These revolutions have not materialized out of thin air; the masses that took to the different streets and squares had been there for some time voicing their dissent—albeit to a smaller and more scattered degree. Egypt, for instance, has been undergoing political turmoil, most clearly manifested since It is precisely these values that people hoped to achieve through revolution. What these revolutions did for people was to break the barrier of fear and act as sites of solidarity that empowered citizens and gave them perseverance to continue the struggle.

Alongside the political dynamism brewing in different areas of the region, parallel forms of cultural production surfaced to reflect what was happening on the political level. As many observers have noted, what is currently taking place in the region is not only a political revolution; it is also and equally forcefully a social and cultural revolution. And the seeds of this cultural revolution could be gleaned through different forms of artistic production prior to A common ending in a number of Egyptian fi lms before the revolution was the literal explosion of an otherwise seemingly contained place see El Hamamsy and Soliman in this volume.

Similarly, the political corruption of the ruling elite, their abuse of power, and the marriage between business and politics were clearly reflected in a number of books and soap operas. Dismayed by media that did not represent them or their needs, before or during revolutions, people sought to express themselves through Introduction 13 cultural production that truly spoke for them—an example of political agency reflected culturally.

The avalanche of popular cultural production that emerged hand in hand with revolutions in the region is unprecedented in volume. Thus, media have been seen changing form and content to reflect new realities and new events as they evolve. Moreover, many of the cultural forms emerging are closely connected to youth culture, production, and consumption.

As such, they utilize new media and means of dissemination, in addition to introducing new artistic forms not previously used. This innovation in form is in keeping with youth dynamics and needs. It is an instance of culture resisting the violence of regimes constantly trying to contain it and the revolutionary spirit behind it. It is art where the boundaries are blurred between producer and consumer, art that is constantly pushing boundaries and reshaping the map of cultural production.

In their versatility, innovation, variety, and volume, these instances of popular cultural production are an embodiment of the process of border crossing that occurs between mainstream and popular culture which Hall describes. The influential presence of these new forms of popular culture and their widespread use testify to the fluidity of the relationship between the dominant and the subordinate. Born of revolutions that are yet in the making, such productions are equally in a constant process of evolvement.

And herein precisely lies the moment of dislocation by one cultural form of another. And it is this moment, in its current and future manifestations, that calls for investigation and theorization by popular culture and cultural studies critics in and of the Middle East and North Africa. Notes 1. It must be mentioned here that when we talk about scholarship on popular culture in the Middle East and North Africa, our knowledge is limited to work written in English and Arabic and translated into these languages.

Because of our lack of familiarity with such languages as Turkish and Farsi, for instance, we cannot pronounce on the types of scholarship produced in these languages in these areas. There is a distinction in Arabic between classical Arabic, a written variety of Arabic considered standard and widely understood across the Arab world, and colloquial Arabic, local variants of dialects spoken in each country and understood among its people.

Though classical Arabic is the official language used in 14 3. Walid El Hamamsy and Mounira Soliman all written transactions and official documents, many do not perceive it as their mother tongue—a language they do not acquire before school age and upon whose acquisition they do not use in their daily lives. In his book Popular Culture in the Arab World, Andrew Hammond elaborates on that monolithic vision of the Arab world which he relates to Western Orientalism and the influence of globalization on cultures in the region see Hammond.

For further discussion on the demonization and stereotypical representations of Arabs in Western media, particularly fi lm, see Shaheen and Khatib. A social and political movement whose emergence coincided with a general strike by textile factory workers in the Egyptian governorate of Mahalla. The emergence of street art forms such as graffiti, for instance, is a new phenomenon that resulted from the revolution. This is particularly the case in Egypt with which we are most familiar but the rise of new forms of cultural expression in other parts of the region needs to be explored.

Works Cited Abdel Rahim, Shaaban. Armbrust, Walter. Walter Armbrust. Berkeley: U of California P, Ashcroft, Bill. Post-Colonial Transformation. London: Routledge, Barthes, Roland. Annette Lavers. New York: Hill and Wang, Hall, Stuart.

Ed John Storey. Hammond, Andrew. Popular Culture in the Arab World. Khatib, Lina. New York: I. Tauris, Said, Edward. Culture and Imperialism. New York: Vintage, Shaheen, Jack. New York: Olive Branch P, Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. Stein, Rebecca L. Rebecca L. Stein and Ted Swedenburg. Arguably, Palestinian rap has received far more attention in the West to date than any other musical genre from Palestine.

Political activists for their part appear to have embraced Palestinian rap, at least in part, as a vehicle for bringing the question of Palestine to the US public in an appealing manner. Some scholars seem similarly motivated. But how you can do it is through the back door. And the easiest back door because of its cultural importance is hiphop.

So if Palestinians can do hip-hop and sound so good at it maybe they are a bit like us. According to this influential line of thinking, the battle for Palestinian rights is so pressing that to devote research energies to something so seemingly irrelevant or frivolous as popular culture would be downright 18 Ted Swedenburg irresponsible.

The paradigm dovetails with still-prevalent disciplinary models that regard popular culture as epiphenomenal, as an effect of more fundamental and significant forces—economic, political, military, diplomatic, and so on. Finally, because popular culture is mostly market based, profit oriented, and linked to global economic and cultural forces, Palestine scholars and activists have tended to regard pop cultural manifestations as corrupted, inauthentic, foreign, and even as manifestations of disloyalty to the cause.

So the study of Palestinian expressive culture has mostly focused on either high culture or folklore, both considered to be more serious and genuine and uncompromised by commodification and globalization. But, on closer inspection, it turns out that is not the case. My concern here is to highlight what might be overlooked or occluded by this narrow approach to Palestinian rap that is especially endemic among progressive scholars and activists, who tend to regard the Palestinian as synonymous with the counter-hegemonic Stein The Palestinian rap artists I discuss below certainly do write rhymes that comment on the extraordinary and difficult conditions under which they live.

When asked to comment on what their music is about, moreover, these artists take care to insist that their aims are political. But they also have other purposes and aspirations that tend to be ignored or downplayed in the rush to promote the issue of Palestine. They desire to be appreciated as artists, and in particular, as rap artists who participate in a global cultural movement.

In order to convey their messages effectively, moreover, it is incumbent upon them to do so in a way that is aesthetically pleasing and sensible to listeners. Rap simply cannot be appealing if it only involves chanting slogans whose meanings are transparent. Besides attending to such questions, I also want to complicate the rap-equals-struggle approach in other ways.

I argue for going beyond a single-minded focus on rap lyrics, typically understood as conveyors of Palestinian Rap 19 self-evident meanings, and in favor of considering the possibility that the words of Palestinian rap songs might have polyvalent meanings. I suggest that the audiences for this music are heterogeneous, including Palestinians of many varieties, international sympathizers, open-minded as well as potentially empathetic Israeli Jews, and so on.

I approach Palestinian hip-hop therefore as relatively autonomous of the resistance struggle rather than as derivative of or subordinate to political movements or economic trajectories. By widening the analysis of Palestinian hip-hop beyond politics, narrowly construed, we might expand our understandings and appreciation of what Palestinian rap is all about, as well as our conceptions of resistance itself. My approach here is meant to be suggestive and not defi nitive.

The English name, moreover, positions DAM within a global hip-hop network. Its origins, in fact, are in the Jewish-Israeli rap scene. Nafar formed his own group DAM with his brother Suheil and their friend Muhammad Jrere in , but as late as the trio still performed in concerts with Subliminal and other Jewish-Israeli rappers, typically as guests invited onstage toward the end of a show to perform a few songs, mostly in Hebrew.

According to Tamer, the group stressed such local issues because he wanted to succeed in the Israeli scene Forrest On October 1, large numbers of Palestinian citizens of Israel went out to demonstrate in support of West Bank and Gaza Palestinians and were met by fierce Israeli police repression, which resulted in the deaths of thirteen protesters.

The song deploys powerfully condensed and angry lyrics to fl ip the charges of terrorism, so typically aimed at Palestinians, back in the face of the Israeli state. But the transformation, as detailed in Channels of Rage, was gradual rather than immediate, as the group continued to record songs in Hebrew and to play for Jewish-Israeli audiences. DAM played, for instance, at Hishguzim Night, an Israeli hiphop festival, in summer , shortly after the Palestinian terror attack at the Dolphinarium disco in Tel Aviv in June that killed twenty-one Jewish teenagers.

They did release the latter on the Internet in fall Palestinian Rap 21 Relations with Geffen cooled after Tamer Nafar made appearance alongside the rock star on Israeli TV and stated that he could understand the motivations of Palestinian suicide bombers even though he did not justify their actions, and also asserted that there was no difference between an Israeli soldier and a Palestinian suicide bomber because both killed indiscriminately McDonald ; Halachmi.

Only when DAM sang a wellknown intifada song not a rap number did locals become enthusiastic McDonald forthcoming. The video set is simple, yet clever and effective. There is also a portable reel-to-reel tape recorder, a turntable, and a DHD speaker. We see the lower half of a man but not his face seated behind the tape recorder. On either side of the set are two TV monitors, one atop the brazier, the other on the speaker. The screen on the right shows Jrere rapping.

He spits out words with amazing rapidity and paces himself effectively, using techniques like stuttering or extending syllables. The video is equally clever, its images often serving as witty counterpoints to the lyrics, as well as engaging with global culture. The struggle over Palestinian house-building has been a fraught one ever since Palestinians, DAM suggests, can also resort to language and poetry, to build homes, to assert their presence.

For the fi rst few years of its existence the group was known chiefly by virtue of its Internet presence. RU posted its early recordings at ramallahundergound. But RU also continued to release instrumental tracks which resist being categorized as resistance music and instead demand to be judged as hiphop or electronica sound compositions.

Aswatt and Abou-Rahme were also selected to be artists-in-residence at the Delfi na Foundation in London in spring The instrumental track is propelled by something that sounds like an alarm, ringing over and over, and conveys a sense of urgency and emergency; the track is occasionally punctuated by sounds of rifle fi re and hovering helicopters. The instrumentation seems to evoke the deadly and destructive atmosphere of the Israeli invasion of Ramallah and El Bireh in March Rabbani.

Henry Barakat , starring Lebanese singer Fairouz, and about a Lebanese village resisting Ottoman rule in stormtrap, October 22, Stormtrap and boikutt split the rapping, fi ring off lyrics that are all about struggle. The percussion returns, along with some scratching, and stormtrap repeats the line twice more, with boikutt joining in for emphasis.

I believe we should take seriously the complicated sentiments expressed here. That they would like to pursue, without 26 Ted Swedenburg encountering so many everyday obstacles, more opportunities like those offered by the Kronos Quartet and the Venice Biennale. RU split up in late Boikutt, the only RU alumnus now living in Palestine, continues on occasion to perform as a solo act in Palestine, and to work in a new entity called Tashweesh together with aswatt and Ruanne Abou-rahme.

One can view their remarkable short video at tashweesh. Stormtrap, based in Vienna, continues to produce and release his own tracks available at soundcloud. One gets the impression that in the mid-aughts there were more opportunities than today to perform live shows in the Ramallah area, in concerts and occasionally in clubs, where young Palestinian patrons dressed in global youth styles do-rags, baggy shorts, sharp sneakers , drank beer or even smoked chronic , and bumped and grinded with hip-hop dance moves one might see anywhere on the world rap scene Carr; Levine But boikutt has recently complained that performance opportunities are now quite limited in Palestine, and states that it is easier for him to perform in Europe than at home Smith.

A single checkpoint, manned by Israeli soldiers, allows residents in and out Greenberg. G-town are accomplished composers and performers who, like DAM and RU, rap about national political issues as well as local ones.

Recall that hiphop, in its origins, consisted of four essential elements: rapping dropping rhymes , DJing working turntables , breakdancing, and tagging or Palestinian Rap 27 graffiti Chang. As US hip-hop enjoyed crossover success and became big business, rapping emerged as the central activity and chief source of corporate profits. They have not much developed their DJing skills, although they do own turntables.

Their tags include inscriptions of the names of the band and of three members B-Boy, Giant M, and Dr. Eventually, the group incorporated breakdancing into its live shows. But it is their rapping and rhyming that are particularly effective. We have some songs just for fun. They remain active till today and have gained a measure of international renown. Conclusion Let me make clear, by way of conclusion, that my point has not been to dismiss all the work done to date on Palestinian hip-hop.

Much of it, both academic and journalistic, has performed a valuable service in exposing a wider audience both to urgent Palestinian issues and to Palestinian hip-hop. It is of course worth celebrating the fact that Palestinian rap has received so much international attention. But what I want to argue is that doing justice to Palestinian rap and what it means in Palestinian life more broadly, requires attending to more than the issues of struggle and politics.

By expanding our focus, I believe that we can gain a greater appreciation for Palestinian rap music itself, as well as achieve a deeper understanding of the very local complexities of the Palestinian experience, and of the aspirations and dreams of Palestinian youth. Palestinian rap appeals to many diverse audiences, and its meanings are not always straightforward and are frequently open to many interpretations.

I write in the hope that others will investigate further the artfulness of Palestinian rap, its words, its sound, its performance, its institutions, its fans. Asef Bayat recently underscored the importance of attending to this mostly ignored aspect of Middle East life. Works Cited Print Allen, Harry. March — Avidan, Igal. May 5, Bayat, Asef. Stanford: Stanford UP, Carr, Joe.

August 27, Chang, Jeff. New York: Picador, El-Asmar, Fouzi. To Be an Arab in Israel. Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, Espiner, Mark. October 26, Forrest, Brett. Greenberg, Ela. Hakim, Danny. July 8, Jaafar, Ali. December 8—14, Kahf, Usama. Keyser, Jason. July 13, Khazoom, Loolwa. July 28, Palestinian Rap 31 Korat, Yael. January 15, Levine, Mark. New York: Three Rivers P, Maira, Sunaina.

Massad, Joseph. Rebecca Stein and Ted Swedenburg. McCalla, James. McDonald, David. Morin, Richard. April 20, A September 14, Poplak, Richard. Toronto: Penguin Canada, Al-Jazeera English. May 4, Rabbani, Mouin. March 15, Ramchurn, Rakesh. July 29, October Schept, Judah. No, the Law Broke Me! Mathieu Deflem. Smith, Ray. May 16, Stein, Rebecca. Thomas, Amelia. July 21, Winder, Rob.

November 26, Zecchini, Laurent. October 6, Channels of Rage. Ruth Diskin, Karni, Gil, dir. Saz: The Palestinian Rapper for Change. Choices Video, Salloum, Jackie, dir. Slingshot Hip Hop. Fresh Booza, CD DAM. EMI Arabia, Quran Kobi, talk decent, have a word with your homie. Tamer Nafar, Channels of Rage This chapter aims to consider the ways in which popular music in the Middle East, specifically hip-hop, engages with pro-democracy aspirations and liberation struggles. It will do so with particular respect to documentaries that focus on the ethical and political interventions of hip-hop in the Israel— Palestine confl ict.

This chapter concentrates on the fi lmic framing and mediation of Israeli and Palestinian hip-hop because the documentaries in question enable attention to be paid not only to the orality of hip-hop but also to its aurality—an aurality that pertains to cross-frontier receptions.

Hip-hop, together with its use of YouTube, constitutes one strand among others of a global youth cultural phenomenon, the forms of which obviously also include blogging, Facebook, Twitter, and related versions of social and activist networking. While reasonably much is made of the virtual Internet media deployed by young writers, singers, and activists, what tends to be overlooked is that the virtuality of such media is accompanied by a certain contemporary aesthetics and politics of orality and aurality.

For instance, in hip-hop and blogging there is the desire to speak the word from the street 34 Caroline Rooney and to do so in a way that would be minimally mediated by authority and as immediate as possible in the speed of address and reception, overcoming the distances that separate both individuals and communities. Regarding the above, it would be useful to resist a simple alignment of hiphop with secular modernity, given its late capitalist African-American provenance, in a polarization against the Islamic revival in areas of the Middle East.

In fact, it is possible to maintain that certain expressions and practices of hip-hop share aspects of the ethical soundscape of the cassette sermon, a soundscape compellingly elaborated by Charles Hirshkind in his anthropological study of cassette sermons and Islamic counter-publics in Egypt. Hirshkind argues that while the Western Enlightenment privileges the eye in its spectatorial detachment from the object, this is not the case as regards both the tradition of Islam and its modernity-focused transformations.

He writes, From early in the development of Islam, sermon audition has been identified as essential to the cultivation of the sensitive heart that allows one to hear and embody in practice the ethical sensibilities undergirding moral action. According to the sermon listeners I lived and worked with [in contemporary Cairo], tapes allow a relaxed attentiveness from which one can nonetheless expect an ethical therapeutics. In the context of the Israel—Palestine struggle, there has been a striking recourse to music as a means of ethico-political therapy, entailing the assumption that musical experiences of coexistence through the inter-subjectivity of performance and listening might prepare the way toward dismantling the wall of miscommunication and non-negotiation between Israelis and Palestinians.

While the West-Eastern Divan orchestra of Edward Said and Daniel Barenboim is a high cultural version of such, it is a political therapeutics of hip-hop that has been turned to on the level of popular culture. I will now selectively discuss three very different fi lms that attempt to document this.

The rest of the fi lm is therefore to be viewed as an account of why the relationship fails. The fi lm shows Shimoni and Nafar performing together as well as separately, while they are also invited to speak their respective views to the camera. The parallelism of the aesthetic framing supports to some extent a sense of a symmetrical struggle in which Israeli and Palestinian youth have to contend with an inherited confl ict, or history as a nightmare that they are both trying to shake off.

And just as hiphop in its African-American formations facilitated a shift from the violence of gang warfare to the performative rivalries of rap battles, it is turned to in the Arab and Jewish Israeli context as a means of cathartic expression and mutual self-presentation. It gradually becomes clear that Shimoni and Nafar are using hip-hop at counter purposes. For Shimoni or Subliminal, hip-hop appears to be a means of controlling the world around him.

Rap—with its aura of street credibility— seems to become, for Shimoni, a means of authenticating, and turning into a reality a particular pre-inscription of reality. Before discussing the ideological position in question, the point being made here is that hip-hop could be said to be instrumentalized by Shimoni precisely as a means to an ideological end.

In terms of soundscapes, in the fi lm there is a certain blurring between the scenes of hip-hop concerts and political rallies, including of their soundscapes. The political rallies make use of music and chants; the concerts of political slogans and hectoring. For him, rap constitutes a means to create possibilities of cross-cultural empathy through the way in which the sound of the music and lyrics have the capacity to produce emotional attunement.

When a physical fight breaks out on stage at one of his performances, he is upset because this is at odds with what he wants his music to achieve. From his point of view, his music carries the message of Israeli pride. While hip-hop in terms of its AfricanAmerican provenance is an art form of the underdog, and can be aligned with the wider tradition of protest poetry, its use in an Israeli context is ironic or misguided in that the Israelis are the occupiers and oppressors, and the Palestinians the underdogs.

Shimoni says that his stage name can be explained in terms of his lyrics working on a between-the-lines or subliminal level. However, it is a case of a not very subtle message of racism, together with misogyny and homophobia.

Accordingly, he exhibits an auto-empathy, or an empathy turned inward rather than toward the other. It is as if security can only be achieved by self-sufficiency together with the elimination of difference as a source of danger. That is, he wears a prominent rhinestone Star of David around his neck while his record cover features a Star of David in the grasp of a muddy hand: religious identity both rescued from the dirt as well as coming from the land.

The not-so-subliminal ploy is that he is speaking directly to the Palestinians in their own language so they cannot fail to hear his claim. However, by using the Arabic term for homeland biladi , obviously heard a lot within Palestinian discourse not least the Palestinian national anthem , what Shimoni cannot control is the polysemia and irony of his gesture.

What the fi lm cannot help but reveal, what neither Shimoni nor it can control, is the perception of Nafar as sidelined, patronized, and humiliated; it is just the reality revealed by a camera turned toward an Arab Israeli. And we also hear the Israeli rappers telling him to back off and shut up if he cannot say what they want to hear. For a start, the fi lm moves rapidly from scene to scene, which has a certain glossing-over effect.

Where you might expect some reflection on locale or history, or a pause for thought regarding controversial statements, you are moved on as if by a concerned official not wanting you to loiter in a security-sensitive area. Although there is little intifada footage in terms of violence, there is one scene which informs us of the previously mentioned suicide attack which could be taken as emblematic of the fi lm.

In a panning shot at some distance and from a height, we gaze out on a cityscape of far off flashing lights which the viewer understands to be ambulances and police cars. We are then in reverse shot shown the place we are gazing from: a close up of the face of a blonde woman in profi le, and we see tears run down her cheek as she looks out toward the area of the attack.

This seems possibly to summarize the perspective of the director—anguished by, yet at a remove from, the confl ict with the helplessness of a passive onlooker. The close up of the crying woman is succeeded by a second viewing of the suicide attack scene but in soft focus. The documentary purports to be showing us the reality of how things are, but this is on a certain flattened-out level of visual spectacle. Apart from the rapid alternation of scenes, quite a lot of the footage is from moving vehicles as if you were just passing through.

The Intersection is Cancelled. The visual signifiers in the fi lm are primarily Jewish Israeli so that, as with Shimoni, textual branding and scripting do not reflect but performatively produce what is seen to be reality. Israeli writer Etgar Keret, one of those interviewed, has some pertinent remarks to offer. Rather, it may be said that music, including hip-hop, is one of its languages together with the sonority of language or voiced and listened to speech, while its elusive yet real object could be described as an emotional connectedness capable of transcending identity politics.

Local Angel is a transgeneric documentary and could be called a philosophical essay, a fi lmic diary, an investigation into DIY activism, a biography of friendship, a poetic sequence, a talking cure, and so on. The opening shots are of New York, its iconic cityscape of skyscrapers offered to us as a glossy magazine of awesome modernity. Aloni directs our attention to gigantic billboards erected on skyscrapers featuring models advertising Gap clothing, explaining that in his work as a graphic designer he introduced these supersized adverts to the city.

The New York we are shown is a spectacular one. As he returns to Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, he sets up a series of experiments in listening which consist of pre-arranged but unscripted meetings between Israeli and Palestinian intellectuals and activists, meetings in which they try to explain their perspectives to each other, together with musical performance pieces of various kinds. In addition, Aloni uses music to convey different states of feeling. In particular, Aloni, in sympathy with the group, sets them up—and by extension Palestinian youth—as a presence to be reckoned with.

Accordingly, what is noticeable is that in Local Angel the flow of the rap has a greater confidence to it as well as benefitting from a professionalism of sound production that is lacking in the earlier fi lm. This may well be a case of better production facilities together with more rehearsed and experienced rapping, but it also may be due to the fact that DAM are allowed access to their creativity in a more relaxed performance environment, one in which they are able to appear on their own terms.

Overall, Local Angel is an inspiring fi lm: not by offering a solution to the confl ict but by generating a surprising sense of fragile yet possible trust through the opening up of numerous sites of genuine dialogue. Furthermore, through the musical crossovers the fi lm offers, it may be said we are able to recognize the affective range of our common humanity. The differing forms of music—popular and religious—express a tumult of strong feelings: feelings of suffering, anger, grief, yearning, sensuous desire, love of the sacred.

For Ronell, the moment of the political real she speaks of resists meaning and is incomprehensible as if an encounter without ideology were unthinkable. The fact that what is being repressed here is, arguably, the reality of the enemy as a human being is something which extends to the common humanity of Israelis and Palestinians, Jews and Arabs. In the scene in question, Arafat speaks of his boyhood friendships with Jewish children and of Jews as his cousins. The counterpoint to this scene is a fraught scene in which Aloni raises with his mother the question of a one-state solution with the right of return.

This is something she categorically refuses to discuss with him; her rejection of the possibility is absolute. Yet more precisely, these moments in the fi lm contrapuntally defi ne the communicative crisis. That is, it is stylistically a hip-hop documentary, not just a fi lm about hip-hop.

And it would seem that this is because in making the fi lm, Salloum collaborated closely with the performers who were also given cameras so that they could fi lm themselves and their points and places of reference.

While Aloni includes DAM in his fi lm diary, here DAM and other rappers make their own fi lm diary with Salloum in which, as explained above, Aloni has a brief walk on part. That is to say, the whole fi lm might be considered to be a knowing reverse shot, one that inscribes the transition from being the object of the gaze to the listening and answering subject of another discourse. This is, of course, how hip-hop evolved. It began with the impoverished using what was ready at hand to recycle it: not so much a case of mimicry but of the ingenuity of improvising with scarce resources.

It does so through treating the form as a vehicle for something greater than the form; the text form is in the service of human lives rather than the other way round. Slingshot Hip Hop is a film about free association on a number of levels. For a start, the main storyline in the film concerns how the Palestinian rappers, imprisoned within Israel, and their counterparts in the West Bank and Gaza fervently desire to meet up with each other.

While they have connected with each other via mobile phones and the Internet, posting video clips to each other, the virtual connection is felt to be insufficient. It could be said that it is insufficient for two reasons: one being the desire for personal live contact and the other being shared freedom as a question of reallife mobility.

What is at stake in this is the human right of free association. Politically speaking, free association is a question of the right to congregate, a freedom of assembly that entails also the right to demonstrate and petition. The state of oppression for Israelis as well as Palestinians is that there is a whole system of obligatory connections loyalty to the state being paramount here and obligatory separatisms the checkpoints and the wall constantly in evidence in Slingshot Hip Hop but not in Channels of Rage.

In Slingshot Hip Hop, we are shown repeatedly how the movements of Palestinians are either being narrowly channeled, for example, by means of bottleneck checkpoints, or immobilized. Here we see how channeling pertains to the visual domain of surveillance and how it leads to the buildup of rage.

As an alternative to this, the hip-hop concerts provide a stark contrast in terms of a forum in which people are free to congregate and protest, and also in terms of the uninhibited dance moves of performers and audience. As argued, hip-hop in Channels of Rage appears, in part, as an instrument of control to political ends. In Slingshot Hip Hop, hip-hop is politically used to de-instrumentalize and re-humanize through freedom of movement.

The Israelis also cause frequent electricity blackouts, which mean for the rappers sound blackouts and stopped music. After the fi nal credits, we are given a surprise postscript of DAM and PR fi nally meeting and embracing each other like long-lost brothers: a postscript coming after the end of the fi lm like the resumption of everyday life, or a foretaste of such. While the fi lm is concerned with this especially as a matter for and Palestinians, we also see DAM connecting with the rap scene in America and there is in their reaching out a strong international dimension too.

The question of free association is also a prominent compositional style for hip-hop, both in terms of free-style flows and in terms of spontaneously coming up with surprising metaphors and analogies—or connections on a creative or imaginative level. Obviously what is at stake in this is a freedom of movement, of both psyche and soma, and this in turn could be understood to be a question of rhythm. That is, the suggestion is that the subliminal subtext—the reality hidden by the text—in this context is rhythm.

What I wish to add here is the suggestion that it is rhythmic soundscapes that have a particular ethical significance because rhythm is in itself a process of empathetic response that can in turn generate empathetic responses, particularly when the rhythm is accompanied by sounds and images. The consideration of this chapter has been that music documentaries are able to demonstrate to us how engagement not only with the object of the gaze and the subject of the voice but with the object as subject of the gaze and the subject as object of the voice is important for the act of attentive reception.

This would seem to depend on the possibility of our free associations. London: Pluto P, Aloni, Udi, dir. Local Angel: Theological Political Fragments. ICA, Asen, Joshua. Brandes, Blake. The Poetics and Praxis of Hip Hop. Cowie, Elizabeth. Recording Reality, Desiring the Real. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, Halachmi, Anat, dir. Anat Halachmi Productions, Hirschkind, Charles.

New York: Columbia UP, June 25, Keret, Etgar. Runo Isakson. Kari Dickson. Rooney, Caroline. Salloum, Jackie Reem, dir. Fresh Booza Production, Shoup Rai music established its place not only among North African and Arab music; increasingly it is expanding its appeal to the world. Rai is hard to defi ne because it is able to change and adapt to the different types of popular music around it, as well as continue to appeal to North Africans still its fi rst audience whether in the bled 1 home country , among the migrants and immigrants in Europe, or increasingly with non-Arabic speaking youth in Europe, the Americas, and Asia.

Rai expresses the inner soul of the North African working class. What makes Rai popular is that it can express this in Arabic, French, or Spanish a Cuban mix of Rai and Salsa with words fully in Spanish began in the fi rst decade of the s as the center for Rai music moved from Algeria, to France, and now increasingly to Los Angeles.

Like American Blues, early Rai addressed the social and economic situation of recent rural migrants pulled into the city to fi nd jobs. Originally, Rai was performed by impromptu groups of mainly men who could play the qasbah breathy type of reed or rosewood flute , the bendir a large round, single-headed drum with stings on the backside of the head like a snare drum which gives it a buzzing sound , the darabukah an hourglass-shaped drum usually made of baked clay with a single head , a smaller version of the darbukah called the gallal with a looser sound one the instruments used by the shaykhat , and the qaraqab iron castanets used also by Gnaoua groups3 Schade-Poulsen 19; McMurray and Swedenburg Women called shaykhat4 meaning female public performers in North Rai 47 Africa would sing about the lives of working-class men and women.

Words to the music changed slightly with French being mixed in the lyrics with Arabic reflecting the changes in urban spoken Arabic in the city. Women singers became well known, such as Shaykhah Remitti al Ghilzaniyah who remained popular until her death in The simple melodies developed into those that sounded more like ones people heard in Egyptian fi lms or on the radio. Despite the fact that the French authorities restricted the number of non-French fi lms that were allowed to be shown per year in French-controlled North Africa, in Cairo Radio began operation and soon was able to blanket the Arab world with Egyptian songs.

She was born in in the Jewish quarter of Wahran and died in in France. Both singers have recently been rediscovered by the new generation of Rai singers who have revived and updated their songs with new instrumentation Mortaigne

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